Women at work in a Scottish fishing town, 1885-1914.

Sweated Labour or Free Enterprise?

By C.M.Flett, 1994

(Click Figures numbers in red and then select the appropriate chart for the detailed findings)

This study analyses women's work in the Scottish town of Buckie from 1885 to 1914. During those years Buckie was something of a boom town with its traditional fishing community being enhanced by a growing in-migrant urban population. Using oral, census, local newspaper and valuation roll sources, this inquiry investigates the ideology of women's work. In this milieu where wages were sometimes poor or uncertain, and women had to work, ideological concepts of women's place in the home would still be maintained. Sweated labour could exist within the same family along with private enterprise and venture capitalism.

Covering thirty years from 1885, the aim was to investigate the opportunities for women to be gainfully employed. The town chosen was Buckie, in the N-E of Scotland, the inquiry being limited to the area originally known as Easter-Buckie. A single-industry town, Buckie had an indigenous population of fisher families, owning outright or sharing their fishing boats. The practical success of these relatively small venture-capitalist enterprises had elevated the town to being Scotland's foremost steam drifter port, by 1913, with a commensurate increase in in-migrant population and urban expansion. Two communities from different origins provided a unique opportunity to assess any inherent consequences on women's work.

The overall strategy was one of questioning sources although an element of hypothesis testing was also present, (Vol.1 pp 38-47). The topic of women's work having been established, sources were the next consideration. The intention was to use as many as were available, oral, census data, maps, local newspaper, trade directories and photographs. Information from the 1891 Census Enumerator Book, CEB, on the types of work led easily to a comparison of the diversity of work in the two communities and to possible correlation with other research. A reiterative study of the census, oral and newspaper evidence was made with reference to known research findings.

The direction and scope of the investigation had been prompted by the studies of Roberts, Pennington and Westover. Their findings concerning women's work, published in Women and the Domestic Economy, and A Hidden Workforce were expressly related to.

The oral evidence accumulated by Roberts supported the domestic ideology that the place of married women was in the home. Working class men and women were as fervent supporters as the middle classes, with work opportunities limited to child-minding, looking after lodgers, taking in washing or small scale trading. The overriding constraint was often the kind of work it was seen seemly for a married woman to do and how much the work might interfere with her ability to look after her children, (Roberts, 1994 in Drake). Would Buckie women, with a strong traditional Protestant work-ethic conform to this ideal?

Pennington and Westover concluded that low pay, long hours and poor working conditions were the primary attributes of sweated labour, (Pennington, 1989 p.82), and could be applied to any employer across many trades, not necessarily home-based. Which if any of the Buckie women's work could be described in this category?

Ten interviews, in which fisher people from Buckie had taken part in 1974 as part of Paul Thompson's research for his authoritative book, Living the Fishing, were available at The University of Essex. All, except one, was born in the period and although the interviews were not specifically concerned with women's work, they, nevertheless, provided a rich oral source. Two interviews of similarly aged towns-women were planned during a visit to the area. In the event only one was possible, which limited the non-fisher input.

Satisfied with the authenticity, provenance, type and origin of the remaining sources, their relevance had to be considered. The CEB ignored casual or part-time employment and made little attempt to describe women's work in the home. Items from Buckie's local weekly newspaper, the Banffshire Advertiser, were used particularly local advertisements, during the period. Although not all women advertised, the items found, provided much information on the variety of work with which, the town-women, particularly, were involved. For example the census description, "Buoy Maker" was clarified as a widow who was running her late husband's net factory. Although no trade directories were available a valuation roll for 1906-7 was a surrogate. Its accuracy could be testified by the extensive use of tee-names, to differentiate between the five predominant surnames in the fisher community of the Seatown and Yardie. Although dealing only with owners and tenants, used in conjunction with advertisements, it proved effective for mapping women's retail activity, and the spread of women house owners. Source material from the town's newly opened museum, was considered too sentimental for use, and photographs from the Fishing Heritage not yet available.

The 1891 female population of the four CEB divisions was 1716 and the gender ratio, (no. of females per 1,000 males), was 1075 compared with Scotland's national average of 1072, (Vol. 4, p.34). Figures 2, 3 and..Figure 6 show the numbers and types of work that were recorded, paupers and annuitants being ignored. 360 women and girls were recorded as employed, of whom, 312, or 86.7 per cent were single; 25, or 6.9 per cent were married and 24 or 6.7 per cent were widows. Apart from an innkeeper and a fish-worker, 19 married women took in lodgers, and 4 were dressmakers, and all but four came from the non-fisher areas. It was clear from the outset that these results were far short of John Golby's verdict in Eynsham in 1851, (DA301 Vol. 3. p.51), or the 1901 figures found at Barrow or Lancaster for married women's work, (Roberts, 1994 Drake, 1994 p.133). For the most part these preliminary findings confirmed the nineteenth-century ideology of the "patriarchal" family system, with the husband as the breadwinner, and the wife as the domestic manager, (Hareven, 1991 in Drake, 1994 p.33). In order to discover whether this was a true picture other sources had to be used in conjunction with the CEB.

Of the eleven interviewees, only two of their mothers had gone out regularly to work after marriage. One mother had been widowed while still young, didn't qualify for a pension and went out to mend nets and do washing. The other from the towns-folk had done so, after her husband had been severely wounded in 1914, and was solely reliant on an inadequate disablement pension. Her daughter, born in 1910, explained:

"You see, my mother had to go out to work. There were three of us bairnies to feed;
she worked as a domestic servant for the meal-mill owner's wife, and then she got
a job at Farquhar's net factory",
(#9999, 1994).

All agreed that their mothers had worked hard all their lives and the fishing trade was "peculiarly dependent on the work of women", (Thompson, 1983 p.167). In addition to their added family responsibilities while their husbands were absent often up to two months, the share-fisherman's wife was directly involved in the family's fishing business. She played a crucial role at home:

"Each man had his share of nets and it was his womenfolk who had to see they were
repaired and mended. That was the system...",
(#3123, 1974).

"We used to have four women in steady, mending. My mother's sisters would work
too. I've seen seven up there mending",
(#3101, 1974).

From the end of the winter fishing, all work was geared to preparing for the summer season starting in May:

"Well, that's the time when everybody was going replacing the nets. Mending nets,
repairing nets and getting the boats in order. So that was the system at that time".

Children, home from school, would have to fill the shuttles with cotton to help their mothers before being allowed out to play, the interviewer elicited:

"So everybody kept working; and your mother made you do that?"

"Yes....to help her, you see".

Interviewer: "Yes, that was really her job in the house?"

"It was her job", (#3123, 1974).

Fishermen's houses, purpose built with a large part of the upper floor left unfurnished, ensured that net mending was a home-based occupation. As soon as the nets were delivered from the boats they became the responsibility of the women. With a big load or under time pressure the neighbours rallied round.

"The nets were delivered in lorries to the houses and the women carried the heavy nets
from the lorry up the stairs to the loft",
(#3101, 1974).

"The women would help each other with the nets - Bella's got to finish two to three
uptakes tonight - we'll just go round and give her a hand - they helped each other;
they gossiped. The women were never idle",
(#3102, 1974).

Viewed from the work place or the hearth, fisher wives' role was vital to both the management of the home and to the running of the family business. Fisher families, therefore, tended to be more matriarchal than most. Home-based, net-mending, an integral part of the family's business, nevertheless adhered to the nineteenth century precept that a married woman's place was in the home. Although share-fishing was a specialised industry, the arguments postulated by Roberts on women's role and home-based contribution to the domestic economy are borne out.

Two factories in Buckie manufactured drift nets and provided work for eight from the towns-women's districts, in 1891 (Figure 3). The lack of fisher women may be a coincidence, supportive evidence would be required for a conclusion to be drawn. The nets were hand-made, using a shuttle, about six inches long and made of bone or wood, around which the cotton thread was wound, as in mending. The same skill were required in both manufacturing and mending, and the towns-women simply adapted their home-grown nimble-fingered, sewing skills, making factory-based net production acceptable women's work.

Poor wages in 1907 motivated about 50 women and girls, all employed in the Marshall net factory to walk out on a one day lightning strike, (B.A. 9.5.1907, p.2, c.5). The women's demands of an increase of 3d per net, taking their piece rate to 4s, (20p) were ignored by the employer. Without union representation and little financial support, they showed remarkable solidarity in their initial action, but were soon forced to capitulate. It is difficult to assess this weekly wage and therefore how near to "sweated labour" this was. The oral evidence indicated that the networkers were poorly paid. The investigation into married women's work by the Women's Industrial Council in 1908 gives examples of pay, (Black, 1915, pp.258-259), which suggest an average weekly income of 9 shillings, (45p). The net worker would therefore require to make between two and three drift nets each week to equal that average wage.

In 1891, over half the women were employed as general or domestic servants emphasizing the limited choice of young women's work. Almost half of these were kin-related to the head of the family and not distinguishable from daughters. The divisions between kin and non-kin servants were in opposition between the communities. Generally in fisher houses, employing servants allowed the woman of the house to concentrate on her net mending. As soon as daughters were old enough, a servant was redundant. The oral evidence also agrees with the census findings, that some of the better off skippers' wives had permanent servants, aspiring to middle class notions of middle-class respectability. Throughout the 1880s regularly advertised servant registries addressed the need for more conventional domestic service, gradually diminishing during the first decade of the twentieth century.

Dressmaking was the next most popular occupation among the townswomen. Excluding drapery, dressmaking and millinery accounted for over 38 per cent of all women's advertising throughout the period, (Figure. 4). Twenty per cent of those were married women. Single women arriving from Aberdeen, Glasgow and London attracted to the town's potential market and the offers of training which appeared, suggest a growing home market. Apart from one grocer who opened a "dressmaking department", it was clear on comparing the newspaper addresses and the valuation roll that the women's work premises were private houses. Again, the preference for working at home is suggested.

With technological progress, the sewing machine greatly increased homework, prompting a local draper to acquire the agency for the "White Sewing Machines" of Holborn, London in 1900. By 1906 a shop, was being rented from its female owner, by the Singer Sewing Machine Company. Clearly there was a viable market in the town and its hinterland. Fishermen's flannel shirts, worn for extra warmth at sea, for example, were usually home-made. Mrs. MacKay, youngest of three, recounted how her mother took on homework.

"My mother was a grand sewer and couldn't wait to get a sewing machine; she saved
up the deposit for it and paid it off every week from the money she made making
fishermen's shirts",
(#9999, 1994).

Less than one per cent separated those employed in the dressmaking trades from those providing lodgings, roughly one in ten overall, but a significant difference was observed between the communities. Taking in lodgers among the townspeople far exceeded those in the fishing area. Fishermen's houses, doubling as net stores, had less capacity for lodgers was probably the main reason. The socio-economic groupings, SEGs, for the heads of families taking in lodgers or having dressmakers show medians of 3, (Figure 7 and Figure 8), while that of networkers gives a median of 4, (Figure 9). This result suggests that home-work tended to be the propensity of the better off while factory work, the tendency of the lower income groups.

Grocers, supplying boat-crews' requirements in addition to a domestic market, accounted for the majority of work, either as employees or employers, for those nineteen women in retail, (Figure 2). Generally, women shopkeepers had increased throughout the period. In 1888, a comprehensive list of the town's retailers had an advertisement printed in the local paper concerning half-day closing, of whom two were women, a grocer and a milliner. The 1906 valuation roll gave the work of owners and tenants. Fifteen women had shops, eleven of them also included their homes, (Figure 5).

The town's six schools were dominated by female teachers, three of them being run by women. Admittedly some were little more than bible classes with some arithmetic alternating with sewing and knitting instruction. Others had higher aims with Aberdeen University as the goal for their brighter pupils. The most prestigious school had been founded in 1869 by Lady Gordon Cathcart, originally as a female industrial school. The passing of the Education act of 1872 had broadened its character, but its origins were emphasised by the continuous line of headmistresses until 1919. None was married, and in 1891, Miss MacDonald, head since 1883, was counted with another sixteen in the profession. Teaching comprised 4.7 per cent of Buckie's working women. (Figures 2 and 3).

A paper, read to the Educational Institute concerning teachers' earnings in the last decades of the century is enlightening. Pupil teachers commanded the meagre annual salary of 12 or 4s 7p, (23p) per week. Any woman, lucky or clever enough to gain one of the limited training college places, could expect to earn between 45 to 50 after qualifying, her male colleague started on 65. Seventeen to nineteen shillings per week after rent, food and clothing would leave little extra for any luxuries. "salaries were always paid quarterly - to make them look bigger, I suppose....I do not think the lady teachers could then have worried much about fashion". With enormous workloads the conclusion is that "a teacher's life was not a happy one", (Taylor, 1923 in Barclay, 1925 p.18). It is therefore not surprising to find a number of regular advertisements for extra mural tuition, particularly by music teachers, trying to increase their incomes, maintaining the expected social standing of professionals, (Figure 4).

The sixteen fish workers, recorded in 1891 were probably attached to smokehouses where they were employed to smoke herring and white-fish. The white fishing was at its peak between herring seasons, these women would enjoy full regular employment and be recognised accordingly by the enumerators. The Buckie women's contingent of fish gutters, usually young and single, who constituted an important part of the vast armies of Scottish "gutting quines" were totally ignored. Abundant oral and photographic sources attest to these women's seasonal migrations to Orkney, Shetland, Yarmouth as well as other places, including Ireland. Their work was absolutely indispensable to the fish-curing firms who controlled the fishing industry's capital. Often seen as a great adventure and social highlight of their year, the Buckie women were transported in overcrowded trains or cattle-boats to their destinations.

They worked in teams of three, two gutters and a packer. The fish, eviscerated with speed and precision, were packed in barrels to a set pattern. Nellie Geddes, born about 1889, went to Lowestoft when she was 16. Working a six day week at the "farlins" with no protection in all weathers, she toiled from 6am until 6pm for 2s 6d, (15p). The hours were not regulated, the women often working until dusk which in Shetland could mean until midnight. They were contracted to one particular curer for the season for a retaining fee of about 10 shillings. This agreement money was called "arles", an old dialect word used to describe money given to bind an agreement on hiring a servant. The women had to provide their own protective clothing, high leather boots, oilskin pinafores, home-knitted woollen scarves and cotton rags to protect their fingers from blade and brine. Without unions, poorly paid, often working in atrocious conditions, sometimes living in wooden huts, having to provide and cook their own food, these young women's work could be described as sweated labour.

Other potential employers aspired to be "sweaters" as a meeting of Buckie councillors, called to discuss a proposed steam laundry for the town suggests. The weekly wages were to be from 8 to 10 shillings, (B.A. 2.2.1911 5/4). This compared with top London earnings of 14 shillings for a forewoman or a daily average rate of 2s 6d, (Black p.18). With a work-force of six girls, plus a carrier, the enterprise was estimated to be worth 60 per week.

In the main, homework was the only acceptable work for married women, whether as a grocer, dressmaker or net-mender. The free enterprise shown by the advertisements was limited to home work. Productive interdependence within the fishing family economy was developed to such an extent that the entire fishing industry had come to rely directly on the work of women. The work of married women, however, was largely home-based. Should seasonal migration be necessary, then the whole or even the extended family would go and so preserve the element of parental care. Only in the poorest families, of necessity, and the oral evidence suggests, was factory work reluctantly acceptable to Buckie women.

Both enterprise and drastic conditions of labour were present. Past religious fervour now channelled into a secular ethos of hard work may have blinded many to the conditions forced on some. Without union representation, the working conditions of the gutters and the net factory workers were near to the sweated labour of Pennington's and Westover's homeworkers. Later in life many were to suffer from kidney problems and arthritis.

The initiative, however, shown by a thirteen year old girl who advertised for a "situation, shop or otherwise; Good Arithmetician", may be seminal, (BA 12.5.1892). While the growing influence of women in the town, not least demonstrated in 1906, when some 18.4 per cent of Buckie houses were owned by local women, the owner occupiers being divided almost equally among the two merging communities. These anticipations of emancipation would eventually assail the prejudices surrounding women's role both at work and in the home.

Personally, the most absorbing aspect of this study involved the oral sources, which were fascinating, at times funny, and made the project come alive. The CEB was disappointing, as was the failure to get a second interview and so perhaps a broader town-women's perspective.

Addenda: From the 1901 census (Figures 10 and 11) show the distribution of women workers ten years later and (Figures 12 and 13) show the 1891 percentages and the differences in women's employment between 1891 and 1901.

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Reference List
Volume 1, The Open University DA301, From Family Tree to Family History.
Volume 3, The Open University DA301, Communities and Families.
Volume 4, The Open University DA301, Sources and Methods: A Handbook.
Drake, M. (1994), The Open University DA301 Course Reader,
Time family and the community.
Hareven T. (1991), The History of the Family, in Drake (1994).
Roberts E. (1994), Women and the domestic economy, in Drake (1994).
Pennington S. and Westover B. (1989), A Hidden Workforce.
Thompson P, with Wailey T. and Lummis T., (1983), Living the Fishing
Black C. ed. (1915), Virago edition (1983), Married Women's Work.
Interviews; Oral History Archive, Dept. of Sociology, University of Essex, Colchester:
1974, #3101, Mr. George Murray "Lockie", b.1904.
1974, #3102, Mrs Zetta Doran, (ms Sinclair) b.1920.
1974, #3104/5, Mr Flett b.1909, Mrs Flett, b.1914.
1974, #3106, Mrs Murray, (ms Strachan).
1974, #3109, Mrs W. Stewart (ms Garden) b.1904.
1974, #3110, Mr. George Garden b.1901.
1974, #3110, Mr. Willie Stewart b.1904.
1974, #3117/8, Mr. Jock Bruce b.1904 and Mrs. Lass Bruce, (ms Flett), b.1909 and Nellie Geddes, neighbour, b.c1889.

Oral interview; notes:
1994, #9999, Mrs Agnes MacKay, (ms Black) b.1910.
Banffshire Advertiser, Years, 1885-1915. British Library films, held in Buckie library.
...... Card..and computer index held in Elgin library.
1891 CEB of Rathven Parish. Divisions 5 to 8, inclusive. LSDS Film number H. K. 2927,..held in Buckie library
. Valuation Rolls for the County of Banff 1906-1907 - Parish of Rathven, pp. 344-365, held in Elgin library.
Paper by John Taylor, (1923) in Barclay (1925), The Schools and Schoolmasters of Banffshire.
1:2500 O.S. Map, Banffshire II.5, 1904, supplied by the National Library of Scotland.


Banffshire Advertiser Index

Date............Pg(Col)....Item

22.12.1881...4(1).........Mrs Thomson, Baker, Cluny Terrace.
20.04.1882...5(2).........Mrs Thomson, Public-house Licence.
29.06.1882...4(3).........Mr. J. Farquhar, Net Manufactory Expansion.
08.02.1883...2(1).........Mrs T. Thomson, Servant Registry, High St.
21.02.1884...2(3).........Isabella Stage, Dressmaking, Low Street.
04.06.1885...2(1).........Mrs. A Murray, Dressmaking, E. Church St.
04.06.1885...2(3).........Mrs. Anderson, Restaurateur, E. Church St.
01.04.1886...2(1).........Mr. J. Bennett, Servant Registry, 3 W. Church St.
01.04.1886...1(1).........Advertisement for Female Government Clerks.
01.04.1886...1(5).........Mrs Thomson, Servant Registry, 32 High St.
02.09.1886...1(2).........Mrs. Smith, Dressmaking, 14 Gordon St.
02.09.1886..................Mrs. Hornby, St Peters Terr., Nether Buckie, Dressmaking.
19.05.1887...2(1).........Helen Gordon, Dressmaking, Cluny T. to 32 W. Church St.
12.05.1887.................Girl. Required for messages.
09.03.1888...2(2).........Girl. Required for messages.
01.03.1888..................39 Traders, Half-day Wednesday.
01.03.1888...2(2).........Mrs. Thomson, Grocer.
01.03.1888...2(2).........Mrs. Thomson, Milline.r
22.03.1888...2(1).........Mrs. Roy, Servant Registry, E. Church St.
07.06.1888...2(2).........Mrs. Bremner, Temperance Hotelier, E. Church St.
07.06.1888...2(2).........Mrs. Munro, Temperance Refreshment Est., Main St., Nether Buckie.
07.06.1888...2(2).........Mrs. Smith, Needlework, etc.,13 Baron St.
30.08.1888...1(7).........A. Stuart, Dressmaking, Colonsay Place.
30.08.1888...2(1).........Miss King, Resuming Pianoforte Lessons.
30.08.1888...2(1).........Miss Gray, L.L.A, Private School Tuition.
30.08.1888...2(1).........Miss McDonald, Private School Music Teacher.
21.02.1889...2(2).........Mrs. Roy, Servant Registry, E. Church St.
11.04.1889...2(1).........Miss B. Gordon, Dressmaking, 3 Gordon St.
06.06.1889.................Advertisement for soap with idealistic Washer Woman.
06.06.1889...1(5-6)......Advertisement for knitters to buy direct from Bradford Co.
06.06.1889...2(2).........Miss J. George, Milliner, 26 High St.
04.09.1889...2(2).........Mathew Caruther, Net manufacturer, death, Church St.
12.09.1889...2(1).........Mrs E. F. Caruther, Net manufacturer.
03.10.1889...2(1).........Miss Smith, Outfitter, 6 Baron St.
02.01.1890...2(2).........Mrs. E. F. Caruther, Net manufacturer.
11.12.1890.................Caruther's Net factory bought by Marshall's
03.09.1891..................Miss King, Resuming Pianoforte Lessons, 61 High St.
14.05.1891...2(4).........Miss Smith, Dressmaking, 16 High St.
09.04.1891..................Miss Dallas, Servant Registry, 13 Marine Place.
08.01.1891...3(2).........Marshall's Annual Employers' Supper, Marine Place.
24.03.1892..................A Duncan, Advertisement for Washing M/c, Baron St.
12.05.1892..................Girl, advertising for shop position.
07.01.1892...2(2).........Miss L. Sangster, Dressmaking, 2 Cluny Terrace.
12.05.1892...2(1).........Miss Geddes, Dressmaking, Seaview Place to 45 W. Church St.
30.03.1893...4(2).........Miss Wilson, Dressmaking, 2 Cluny Terrace.
15.02.1894..................Mrs Coutts, Resuming Music and French Lessons. Infant School, 34 W. Church St.
21.05.1896...1(1).........Miss Stewart, Dressmaking Department, c/o J. Green, Draper.
11.02.1897...1(2).........Mrs. J. B. Smith, China Merchant, 21 W. Church St.
20.05.1897...1(2).........Miss S. Gibb, Dressmaking, 24 High St.
20.05.1897...1(3).........Mrs G. Stewart, China Merchant, 23 Gordon St.
17.06.1897...1(4).........Miss S. Gibb, Dressmaking, 24 High St.
26.08.1897.................Miss Russell, Resuming Painting Classes.
26.08.1897.................Miss Ross, Resuming Music Classes at Mrs. McBeath's, 44 W. Church St.
26.08.1897.................Miss King, Resuming Piano and Music Theory, 61 High St.
26.08.1897.................Miss Thomson, Resuming Piano & Music Theory, 57 W. Church St.
26.08.1897.................Miss Merson, Resuming Piano, Violin, & Theory, 29 W. Church St.
26.08.1897...1(1)........Miss Innes, Dressmaking, 19 Marine Place.
03.07.1898...1(4).........Mrs. Newlands, Drapery sale, 13 High St.
24.11.1898...7(2).........Logie Bros, Sailmakers, 30 Low St. description of business.
12.10.1899...8(3).........Mrs. J. B. Smith, Fruit and Provisions
03.05.1900...1(2).........Mrs. G. Stewart and Co. move.
14.06.1900...4(5).........John Farquhar, Net Manufacturer, Cluny Net Factory.
01.11.1900...4(3).........Logie Bros., Sailmaker, rise in weekly wages, 23 to 24 sh.
27.12.1900...1(1).........Charlotte Williamson, China Ware, High St.
15.10.1903...1(1).........Mrs Garden, Potted Head, (Local delicacy) etc., 14 Baron St.
07.05.1903...6(4).........New Meal Mill between Garden Lane and Highland Railway.
16.06.1904...1(3).........Miss Falconer, Outfitting, 31 E. Church St.
16.06.1904...1(3).........Miss Falconer, Servant Registry, 31 E. Church St.
14.02.1907...1(2).........Miss Melvin, Fancy Goods, 42 E. Church St.
02.05.1907...1(1).........Singer Sewing Factory.
09.05.1907...2(5).........Marshall's Net Workers Strike.
16.05.1907..................Old Age Pension Bill.
09.05.1907...5(2).........Statistics from Parliamentary Paper.
23.01.1908...5(1).........Mrs. Innes, Chemist, Mr Gunns at W. Church St.
02.02.1911...1(1).........J. Farquhar, Net Manufacturer, 27 High St. Death
02.02.1911...5(2).........J. Farquhar, Obituary.
02.02.1911...5(4).........Steam Laundry Meeting.
03.02.1911...8(4).........Steam Laundry in the "Elgin Courant". Cost ,2,200.
23.02.1911...1(1).........J. Farquhar, jnr., Networks, 39 High St.
27.03.1913...8(6).........Mrs Bruce, Crockery & Cookery, 36 E. Church St.
03.04.1913..................Four Advertisements for Dressmakers.
02.10.1913...1(3).........M.E. Flett, Millinery.
09.04.1914...1(4).........Miss Symon, Sewing, 54 E. Church St.
02.07.1914...1(2).........Miss McKenzie, Tobacconist, 19 W. Church St.
25.02.1915...6(5).........Army Wives Separation Allowance.
21.10.1915...6(1).........Misses I. and R. Rose, Drapers.


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